ARGENTINE’S "INVISIBLE OPPOSITION",
CONSISTING OF SELF - SEEKING ONE MAN SHOWS, WHO USE CORPORATE MEDIA TO OPPOSE THE
GOVERNMENT
Since
the Kirchners’ (Center left) took rein back in 2003, their “unorthodox” but
successful governing of Argentina infuriated Argentines “conservative”
political opposition, if one can call it that, for unlike other countries,
Argentina in reality does not have a political party system as such. Granted, when
election time arrives, different so called political "parties" with fancy names
start emerging, but in reality they are one man shows of ambitious self seeking
individuals, mostly of who are from the large but fractured Peronist
movement, but with completely different political ideologies.
This is
where it becomes complicated understanding Argentines political landscape. The
first thing that comes in one’s mind when talking about Argentine politics is Peronism,
which by definition stands for an economic, political, and social ideology called
Justicialismo (social justice). When listening to some of the so-called “opposition
individuals” ( who claim to be Peronists) one comes to conclusion that their
political objectives are a far cry from social ideologies but rather are those of
a center right conservative political stance. Thus, since the Kirchners’ took
office, during election times a fractured opposition of self seeking
individuals with conservative views have tried to gain power and failed to do
so for lack of unity and being unable to “feel the pulse and needs” of the common
people.
OPPOSITION LACKS UNITY THUS USES
CORPORATE MEDIA TO OPPOSE THE GOVERNMENT
Since they
(the opposition) lack unity they are practically invisible and thus refer to a
different tool of opposing the current government: CORPORATE MEDIA.
Since 2003
the media giant Clarin Group and La Nacion have been the main and powerful tool
of the “invisible opposition” to oppose the current government. Misinformation,
lack of objectivity etc. both in Clarin Groups TV News Channels as well as
print media is a daily occurrence in Argentina. Needles to say these media
giants are well connected and thus use their influence to spread misinformation
about the economic situation of the country etc to The Economist, who as long as this government is in power will
never write an objective article on Argentina, as well as international
mainstream media outlets.
THE AVERAGE CITIZEN HARDLY HAS THE
TIME AND PATIENCE TO ANALYZE AND RESEARCH NEWSPAPER ARTICLE IN ORDER TO FORM AN
OBJECTIVE OPINION, SOMETHING MAINSTREAM MEDIA EMPIRES ARE FULLY AWARE OF
 |
| Todo Noticias news channel belonging to Clarin Croup, reporting predominantly negative news |
Needless
to say that media giants such as Clarin group, La Nacion and the “invisible
opposition” are fully aware that the average citizen hardly has the time and
patience to analyze and research each article or report these entities print or
transmit, nor use alternative information sources to research their claim in
order to form one’s own objective opinion. Thus
the majority of people of different social and educational background by large
absorb and take for grant what Clarin and La Nacion (the two most read dailies
in Argentina) “feed” them with. The same goes for their News Channels who
are also a manipulative tool to form public opinion.
IN VIEW OF ABOVE MENTIONED FACTS THE ECONOMIST, WITH THE HELP OF ARGENTINE S INVISIBLE OPPOSITION AND BACKING OF LOCAL MEDIA GIANTS, STRUCK AGAIN
WITH ITS LATEST ARGENTINE BASHING ARTICLE:
See related article:
The Economist
wrote:
Argentina’s economy
Piggy bank
Rootling around for cash
FOR the past 20 years a plaque has adorned the lobby of
Argentina’s Central Bank, proclaiming its “primary and fundamental mission to
preserve the value of the currency”. This week the plaque was removed after the
country’s Congress approved a government bill that gives the bank a new,
wordier mandate: “to promote, to the extent of its ability and in the framework
of policies established by the national government, monetary stability,
financial stability, jobs and economic growth with social fairness”.
Put more simply, the bank has lost the last shred of its
legal independence and become the piggy bank of President Cristina Fernández’s
government. It can now be required to transfer to the treasury cash equal to
20% of government revenues plus 12% of the money supply; to use its reserves
(of $47 billion) at will to pay government debts; and to play a more active
role in regulating banks and in steering credit to favoured industries.
After forcing out the bank’s governor, Martín Redrado, in
2010, Ms Fernández has used more than $16 billion of reserves to pay debt, and
earmarked $5.7 billion for 2012. But there was a hiccup: under the old law,
which dated from the currency board in effect in the 1990s, the government
could only spend reserves above the amount needed to back up the stock of pesos
in circulation, and it had already exhausted that amount. Rather than “brutal belt-tightening,”
as Mercedes Marcó del Pont, Mr Redrado’s replacement, put it, the government
changed the law.
Ms Fernández, like her husband and predecessor, Néstor
Kirchner, has relentlessly pursued economic growth.
This is getting harder.
Public finances have fallen into deficit thanks to bloated subsidies used
mainly to keep utility and transport tariffs low. As the current-account
surplus diminishes, the government has imposed curbs on imports and stricter
capital controls. The latest protectionist measure requires buyers of books
from foreign websites to collect them personally from the airport and pay a fee
of up to $80.
The government could now use the Central Bank’s reserves to
pay the $9.3 billion it owes to the Paris Club of creditor governments—an
obstacle to its being able to tap international capital markets. But the
immediate effect of the change in the law has been to stoke worries that
inflation will take off, putting pressure on the peso (see chart). The gap
between the official exchange rate and the rate in the swap market has widened
to nearly 20%. But Ms Marcó del Pont insists that the bank will be “very
rigorous” and will not print more pesos than needed. The government’s fairly
low debt burden and its strict curbs on capital flight may prevent a rapid
collapse of the peso.
Another sign of the government’s growing desperation is its
bullying of YPF, a unit of Spain’s Repsol. As the former state oil monopoly,
YPF tugs at nationalist heartstrings. Government-inspired posters recently went
up in Buenos Aires showing YPF’s logo, a map of the Falkland Islands and the
statement: “They’re Argentine.”
Ms Fernández blames YPF for a fall in output of oil (down
32% since its peak in 1998) and gas (down 10% since 2004). Oilmen blame the
government: producers receive just $42 per barrel for exports and around $70 in
the domestic market, whereas the world-market price is over $120.
Repsol has offered to pay YPF’s 2011 dividend in stock, and
not to repatriate profits. But the government wants the dividend paid into a
special investment fund. It is not clear whether the president’s aim is
renationalisation: she would find it hard to raise the funds, although her
threats have depressed YPF’s share price by 14% this year. Six provinces have
stripped YPF of oil concessions, but mostly minor ones.
What makes all this perverse is that Argentina sits on
possibly the world’s third-biggest reserves of shale hydrocarbons. (http://geopoliticsrst.blogspot.com.ar/2012/03/argentine-shale-gas-production-could.html
)YPF estimates that developing them will cost $25 billion a year for a decade.
Not even the Central Bank can provide Ms Fernández with funds like that. But
short-term political need, rather than long-term prosperity, is dictating
Argentine policy.
FEELING THE PULSE OF THE PEOPLE: – DIFFERENT
VIEWS AND OPINIONS REGARDING THE
ECONOMISTS ARTICLE
The
"independent" European central banks have lead the economy of Europe
to a total collapse, whereas the economy of Argentina has been growing at
exuberant rates in the last few years. Why is Argentinean government wrong?
Argentina
has been growing at fast pace for almost 10 years with what The Economist calls "short term
policies, cheap tricks, lies, etc.
How many years of nonstop growth does it take for The Economist to call Argentina's growth a solid sustainable growth?
How many years of nonstop growth does it take for The Economist to call Argentina's growth a solid sustainable growth?
IMF
measured the GDP growth of Argentina taking into consideration their own
private sources to measure inflation. And the number they came up with was 8.6%
of solid growth for 2011. 2012 economic outlook indicates that the economy will probably grow "only 7%"
THE ECONOMIST
is unleashing an ideological battle of words.
In the US the infrastructure is decaying. Potholes are cropping out in highways and expressways. Refineries are shutting down driving gas prices to 5 dollars a gallon. Sick people are getting kicked out of hospitals. There are tons of men, women and children in the streets begging for money.
But hey, at least nobody is lying about the inflation in the US
In the US the infrastructure is decaying. Potholes are cropping out in highways and expressways. Refineries are shutting down driving gas prices to 5 dollars a gallon. Sick people are getting kicked out of hospitals. There are tons of men, women and children in the streets begging for money.
But hey, at least nobody is lying about the inflation in the US
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