CREATION OF FRENCH BRITISH JOINT
EXPEDITIONARY FORCE (CJEF)
BRITAIN is forging ahead on military co-operation with FRANCE,
while warning about EU “interference” on defence.
BRITAIN AND FRANCE ARE THE EU’S LEADING MILITARY POWERS.
They
spent €92 billion on defence last year (more than GERMANY, ITALY, the NETHERLANDS,
POLAND and SPAIN put together), according to SWEDISH NGO Sipri. They are also
the most hawkish. They took the lead in wars in LIBYA and MALI and they were
keen to join US strikes on SYRIA.
“As
shown from our joint operations in LIBYA and MALI, the UK and FRANCE are
natural partners and have a key role to play in leading and shaping the defence
and security of EUROPE,” a BRITISH defence ministry spokesman told EUobserver.
SOME BRITISH NAVAL OFFICERS SERVE FULL TIME ON FRENCH
AIRCRAFT CARRIER CHARLES DE GAULLE.
In
line with the 2010 Lancaster House Treaties, the BRITISH and FRENCH army, navy
and air force regularly train together and some BRITISH officers serve full time
on the FRENCH aircraft carrier, the Charles de Gaulle.
They
are “on track” to create a Combined
Joint Expeditionary Force (CJEF) with FRANCE by 2016 and they plan to test
the CJEF’s air component next month in an operation called Exercise Joint Venture.
For
its part, the EU also has “battlegroups,” or rapid reaction battalions put
together by two or three states. But they have never seen action. The EUROPEAN
UNION is aiming to agree on joint procurement of some military hardware at a
defence summit in December. But here, FRANCE and the UK are also streets ahead.
They
are already building a “Future Combat
Air System,” due in 2030, with manufacturers to send in proposals this
month.
UNITED KINGDOM’S PREFERENCE OF BILATERAL COOPERATION OVER EU
– LEVEL ACTION
“Our
defence co-operation has grown both in importance and scope since then [the
2010 treaties],” the BRITISH spokesman said. He declined to say whether BRITAIN
favours bilateral co-operation over EU-level action.
The
UK’s official line is that BRITISH-FRENCH military integration will help to win
wars whether they fight them together or as part of EU or NATO structures.
Some
FRENCH officers are more outspoken, however.
Colonel
Michel Goya, a teacher at the Institut de Recherche Strategique de l’Ecole
Militaire in Paris, told EUobserver at the time of the Mali conflict: “If you
have to react quickly to events, it’s better to do it at a national or
bi-national level.”
Meanwhile,
with BRITAIN to potentially quit the EU in a referendum in 2017, it is hard to
imagine that it will endorse a far-reaching military deal at the EU’s December
summit.
British
defence minister Philip Hammond criticised the EUROPEAN Commission’s ideas on defence reforms earlier
this month. Speaking to arms firms at an event in London, he said he backs the
commission on “improving competition in the [EU] internal defence market, and
supporting SMEs.”
BRITAIN WILL CAREFUL MONITOR POTENTIAL INTERFERENCE FROM
BRUSSELS ON DEFENCE EQUIPMENT EXPORT RESTRICTIONS
But
he added: “Interference in the export of defence equipment and
government-to-government defence sales; or the creation of … ‘specific EUROPEAN
standards for military products’ represent a significant potential extension of
the commission’s role and are not necessarily in the UK defence industry’s best
interests – and we will resist them.”
He
promised to keep “a very careful eye on potential interference from Brussels”
and to “protect” firms from EU “bureaucratic burdens.”
FRANCE
aside, Hammond also asked: “Should BRITISH industry, in fact, be looking across
the Atlantic, to our closest ally, for our future industrial partnerships?”
A
failed merger last year shows the limits of EU fellowship when it comes to jobs
and national politics. The UK, FRANCE and GERMANY in 2012 came within a hair’s
breadth of merging the UK’s BAE Systems with FRANCO-GERMAN firm Eads to create
a EUROPEAN military-industrial giant. But GERMAN Chancellor Angela Merkel
blocked the deal, in part because FRANCE declined to locate the new HQ in GERMANY.
According
to the Carnegie Endowment foundation the bottom line was that Merkel feared
losing GERMAN defence jobs in the run-up to GERMAN elections.
Amid
BRITAIN’S euroscepticism GERMANY seems also a spoiler on EU defence. Of all the
more recent GERMAN Chancellors, Angela Merkel is probably the one with the
least interest in defence and security policy. Having no security strategy of
its own, GERMANY has discouraged the EU’s foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton
from drawing up a new security strategy for EUROPE which defeats any attempts
within NATO or the EU to pool and share military resources in order to face
ever-growing financial pressure.
Source:
EUObserver
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