A
CHALLENGING TIME FOR RUSSIA-IRAN TIES
By M. K. Bhadrakumar via Asia Times
IRAN’S integration into
the international community will significantly impact its relations with RUSSIA.
The relationship between the two regional powers plays out on a big canvas spanning
several regions and many ‘hotspots,’ stretching from CENTRAL ASIA to the CASPIAN
and the CAUCASUS, PERSIAN GULF and the MIDDLE EAST and the INDIAN OCEAN.
The RUSSIAN-IRANIAN relationship
has been historically a troubled one and despite the brave face put on it by
both sides, there are strong undercurrents. The very fact that RUSSIAN experts
have poured cold water on the framework agreement reached between IRAN and the
world powers at LAUSANNE and are questioning the ability of the U.S. president BARACK
OBAMA to weather the upcoming storm in the Congress and have a final deal with IRAN
wrapped up by end-June as planned, can be taken as both a level-headed
assessment of the realities in AMERICAN politics as well as a message of
caution to TEHRAN to be wary of the pitfalls ahead and a subtle hint of RUSSIA’S
continuing relevance.
Tehran |
Almost everything that RUSSIA
says about IRAN has a double meaning – an intrinsic meaning and a relative
meaning. The lack of transparency can be traced back to the heydays of the
U.S.-RUSSIA reset when MOSCOW actively cooperated with the OBAMA administration
circa 2010 to clamp down the sanctions regime on IRAN and to help the OBAMA
administration heap unprecedented international pressure to isolate IRAN.
RUSSIA also dragged its feet on various pretexts in completing the BUSHEHR
nuclear power plant; and, in the unkindest cut of all, under AMERICAN pressure MOSCOW
withdrew from the military deal to sell S-300 air defense system to IRAN at a
juncture when the U.S. was holding out open threats of attacking IRAN.
The collateral damage
inflicted by the U.S.-RUSSIA reset to RUSSIA’S relations with IRAN was
substantial. The mending of the fences
calls for a determined effort from both sides.
RUSSIAN
AND IRANIAN FOREIGN POLICIES HAVE BEEN MOVING IN OPPOSITE DIRECTIONS
Ironically, RUSSIA had
spurned the overtures of the one IRANIAN president who had been ideologically
closest to the world-view that MOSCOW today espouses – MOHAMMAD AHMEDINEJAD –
whereas, MOSCOW is today called upon to deal with, arguably, the most
‘western-oriented’ government in IRAN in the ISLAMIC REPUBLIC’S three-and-a-half
decades of history. And this is at a time when RUSSIA’S own ties with the West
are at an all-time low point since the Cold war ended.
Suffice it to say, the
loci of the RUSSIAN and IRANIAN foreign policies have been moving in opposite
directions lately and it poses a challenge for the two countries’ diplomats to
reconcile this contradiction. The relationship needs attention at the
leadership level.
In many ways, the
trajectory of the IRAN-RUSSIA relationship in the period ahead will be a
reflection of the foreign-policy choices in front of IRAN in an unprecedented
environment free of sanctions where TEHRAN enjoys the space and freedom to
maneuver like at no time since the ISLAMIC revolution in 1979.
Having said that, for RUSSIAN
diplomacy IRAN is by no means a strange country. Besides, there are objective
factors at work in regional and world politics today, which RUSSIAN diplomacy
can be trusted to exploit.
RUSSIA lost no time after
the news broke on the framework agreement being reached in LAUSANNE to signal
that MOSCOW could resume implementation of the moribund contract to supply
S-300 antiballistic missile systems to IRAN once the UN lifts the ban on arms
sales to IRAN. RUSSIAN Defence Minister SERGEY SHOIGLU’S visit to TEHRAN in
January was an important initiative undertaken with considerable foresight to
re-launch the military cooperation between the two countries in anticipation of
an imminent U.S.-IRAN nuclear deal.
RUSSIA
IS POSITIONING ITSELF AS A RELIABLE SOURCE OF MILITARY TECHNOLOGY FOR IRAN
In the RUSSIAN
estimation, even with the integration of IRAN into the international community,
it is inconceivable that the western powers will begin to supply arms to IRAN.
Many factors impede such a development, including the longstanding relations
between the western countries and the GULF ARAB states and ISRAEL’S
sensitivities over transfer of military technology to IRAN. On the contrary, RUSSIA
is positioning itself as a reliable source of military technology for IRAN.
IRAN will prioritize its
relations with the West in order to attract cutting edge technology for the
modernization of its economy as well as for boosting trade and investment. The IRANIAN
middle class and technocrats and business community are known to prefer western
partners. The West’s ‘soft power’, especially AMERICA’S, holds seamless
attraction for the IRANIAN urban elites. But then, western countries do not
transfer high technology very easily. Their preference will be to sell their
products in IRAN’S big market. (The oil industry is an exception.) This is
where RUSSIA comes in.
RUSSIA’S advantage lies
in filling in a crucial role as partner in military cooperation or areas such
as nuclear energy. Indeed, for an ambitious country such as IRAN, RUSSIA makes
a ‘natural ally’ insofar as its quest for ‘strategic autonomy’ and its
independent foreign policies do not grate on RUSSIA’S strategic calculus.
THE
IRAN-RUSSIA-CHINA AXIS
Significantly, the
foreign policy aide to IRAN’S supreme leader, ALI AKBAR VELAYATI visited MOSCOW
as a special envoy of the IRANIAN president in early February and was received
by President VLADIMIR PUTIN. VELAYATI has been a trusted interlocutor for MOSCOW
for decades. VELAYATI has been the longest serving IRANIAN foreign minister
(1981-1997) and has been aptly described as “a window into the foreign policy
of IRAN’S Supreme Leader.”
VELAYATI is a strong
votary of multipolarity in world politics and of an IRAN-RUSSIA-CHINA axis to
counter the U.S.’ global hegemony. Therefore, it is extremely interesting that VELAYATI
was brought in as IRAN’S interlocutor with the KREMLIN at a defining moment in IRAN’S
foreign-policy trajectory. TEHRAN could not have sent a more convincing signal
to the KREMLIN of its profound solidarity with RUSSIA.
Why would IRAN be
interested in the ‘B’ team when it has the West embracing it? First of all, the
nuclear deal doesn’t mean that the ideals of the ISLAMIC revolution have become
history. The western commentators often speak of President HASSAN ROUHANI as if
he is a dissident tilting at the citadel of the ISLAMIC regime. Whereas, ROUHANI
is as much a progeny of the revolution as his predecessors have been, and
enormous continuity is what is to be expected in IRAN’S foreign policies
alongside the inevitable fine-tuning geared to optimally exploit the new
opportunities to engage with the West.
Second, IRAN cannot be
under any illusion that the nuclear issue means a relaxation of tensions with
the U.S. or even a full-fledged normalization of relations with AMERICA. To be
sure, the U.S. will continue to peck at IRAN’S revolutionary ideals as
disruptive and will remain wary of IRAN’S ambitions as a regional power.
RUSSIA
AND CHINA WILL HASTEN THE ADMISSION OF IRAN AS A MEMBER OF THE SHANGHAI
COOPERATION ORGANIZATION
The heart of the matter
is that the deal with IRAN doesn’t mean that the U.S. is about to dump its
traditional allies in the region. Without doubt, the U.S. will give due
consideration to its allies’ anxieties regarding IRAN’S potentials once it is
unshackled from the sanctions regime.
On its part, IRAN will
anticipate that no sooner than the deal with IRAN has been negotiated, the U.S.
will turn attention to offer new forms of security assurances and cooperation
to its traditional allies. Without doubt, the OBAMA administration will do
whatever it takes to shore up anxious friends and this, in turn, may even
necessitate pressuring IRAN to show restraint.
All in all, IRAN cannot
do without a strategic understanding with RUSSIA. VELAYATI’S mission to MOSCOW
aimed at revamping the strategic ties with RUSSIA and attuning it to IRAN’S
emergent concerns as a ‘normal country’. The high probability is that RUSSIA and
CHINA will hasten the admission of IRAN as a member of the SHANGHAI COOPERATION
ORGANIZATION.
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