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| Shi’ite Houthi rebels in YEMEM |
YEMEN FIGHTING
RISKS DEEPENING SECTARIAN DIVISIONS
Source:
Reuters
A deadly assault by Shi’ite Houthi
rebels on a Salafi Islamic school planted in their mountain heartland could
ignite wider sectarian conflict in YEMEN, where instability has already helped
al Qaeda militants to take root.
The Houthis, who belong to the Zaydi
branch of Shi’ite Islam, have bombarded the sprawling Dar al-Hadith seminary in
Dammaj village for two weeks, killing at least 100 people. Al Qaeda in the
Arabian Peninsular (AQAP) pledged revenge for the assault.
Political rivalries may have helped
to start the violence, but the struggle over a Salafi outpost deep in Houthi
territory is also part of a regional contest between Shi’ite IRAN and Sunni SAUDI
ARABIA that has been sharpened by the war in SYRIA.
YOUTH
STUDY ULTRA-ORTHODOX SALAFI DOCTRINES
Zaydis have for years been alarmed
by young Sunnis flocking to Dar al-Hadith, in the northern province of Saada,
to study ultra-orthodox Salafi doctrines that cast Shi’ites as heretics.
Houthi militants, whose rebellion is
fuelled by the accumulated grievances of many Zaydis, dominate Saada after
fighting government forces on and off for nearly a decade.
They detest Dar al-Hadith,
proclaiming on October 30 that the Salafis had “turned Dammaj into a launch-pad
for their criminal actions and a training center (for) thousands of armed
foreign elements from more than 120 countries”.
Dar al-Hadith’s leaders, who deny
any such activities, have condemned al Qaeda, but some militants, including the
“AMERICAN TALIBAN”, John Walker Lindh, have been through the school, and its
founder was linked to a 1979 Islamist uprising in Mecca.
Background Information:
YEMEN A CRITICAL BUT FORGOTTEN FRONT
The Dammaj fighting is one of many
crises besetting YEMEN, where state failure could further empower an al Qaeda
wing that has targeted Western ships and airliners in the past.
JOCKEYING FOR POSITION
YEMEN’S best hope may lie in
national reconciliation talks begun in March to draft a new constitution and
defuse threats from Houthis, southern secessionists and Islamist insurgents.
That effort followed the negotiated
removal of veteran President Ali Abdullah Saleh after mass protests against his
rule that began even before a wave of Arab revolts in 2011.
Under the deal, interim President
Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi must hold elections next year and try to reach a
workable compromise among YEMEN’S myriad tribal and political factions.
The Houthis’ onslaught on Dammaj may
be a gambit to strengthen their bargaining power before any such deal.
“We are coming to the conclusion of
the dialogue and each party is trying to consolidate its presence on the
ground,” said YEMENI analyst Abdul-Ghani al-Iryani. “Dammaj is deep in Zaydi
territory. The Houthis are trying to capture it militarily.”
Houthi-Salafi strife could further
poison the once-relaxed relations between Shi’ites and Sunnis in YEMEN, already
strained by IRANIAN-SAUDI rivalry and feelings heated by the sectarian hatred
that now imbues SYRIA’S struggle between Sunni Islamist rebels and a president
whose Alawite sect derives from Shi’ism.
“YEMENIS don’t hate each other for
sectarian reasons,” Iryani said. “But that does not preclude this outcome, down
the line, if this crisis is not fixed quickly.”
Saleh, the former president,
exploited sectarian sentiments during his successive wars with the Houthis,
according to Ibrahim Sharqieh, a YEMEN expert at Doha Brookings think-tank.
“This conflict did not start last week,” he said.
Zaydis dominate the rugged highlands
of YEMEN, which their Imams ruled for 1,000 years until a 1962 military coup.
Background Information:
BAB EL-MANDAB: STRATEGIC LINK BETWEEN THE INDIAN OCEAN AND THE MEDITERRANEAN SEA, VIA THE RED SEA AND THE SUEZ CANAL at: http://geopoliticsrst.blogspot.co.at/2013/08/yemen.html
They are well-represented in YEMEN’S
political, military and tribal elites, but have generally kept their faith out
of national politics – even as Salafi influence began to rise in mosques funded
by SAUDI ARABIA and other Gulf neighbors.
SAUDI ROLE
The Houthis emerged in the north in
the 1990s in response to economic deprivation and waning Zaydi political
influence, as well as Salafi inroads in the area, symbolized by Dar al-Hadith.
Saleh’s military attempts to crush
the Houthis from 2004 to 2010 prompted IRAN to adopt their cause as
fellow-Shi’ites, albeit from two very different branches of the sect, although
Tehran denies SAUDI accusations that it armed them.
In 2009 SAUDI ARABIA even fought a
brief war with the Houthis, who control territory just over its southern
border.
SAUDI FUNDED WAHHABI RELIGIOUS CENTERS IN YEMEN
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| Wahhabi's |
Riyadh’s links to YEMEN go deep. It
has long subsidized the government, as well as funding unruly tribes in a
complex quest for influence in its impoverished and more populous neighbor.
Wealthy and often well-connected
donors from SAUDI ARABIA and other GULF NATIONS have bankrolled Sunni religious
centers in YEMEN, including Salafi ones such as Dar al-Hadith.
The seminary’s founder, Sheikh
Muqbil al-Wadi’i, studied in SAUDI ARABIA in the 1970s after converting from
Shi’ism.
He fell in with radical preacher
Juhayman al-Otaybi, who led the two-week seizure of Mecca’s Grand Mosque in
1979 by militants seeking an Islamist revolution. Otaybi and dozens of his
followers were beheaded after the revolt was crushed.
POWERFUL YOUTH RECRUITMENT BY WAHHABIS
Sheikh Muqbil, who did not take part
in the attack but was accused of writing a statement for Otaybi, was deported
to YEMEN, where he set up Dar al-Hadith. Within a few years it began drawing
thousands of YEMENI and foreign students.
According to Mohammed al-Ahmadi, a YEMENI
expert on Salafis, up to 7,000, including hundreds from the UNITED STATES,
CANADA, EUROPE and SOUTHEAST ASIA study there, some living with their families
on the compound in Dammaj, a complex of white-washed concrete buildings in a
lush valley surrounded by mud houses.
Former students describe a monkish
lifestyle of memorizing the Koran and studying the sayings of the Prophet
Mohammad.
The books of medieval theologian Ibn
Taymiya, those of the founder of Wahhabism, Sheikh Mohammed ibn Abd al-Wahhab,
and of Sheikh Muqbil himself, fill the seminary’s library.
While many students pay for their
education, donations by GULF businessmen helped fund Dar al-Hadith, although
these were curbed after the September 11, 2001, attacks on U.S. cities.
GULF backing for Sunnis and IRANIAN
support for Shi’ites may suggest outright sectarian conflict, but Salafis and
Houthis represent radical ideologies in Islam’s two main wings, not mainstream
Sunnis and Shi’ites, and they share some views.
Both advocate a return to the early
teachings of Islam guided by sharia law and both call for a restored Caliphate,
a single entity ruling the whole Muslim world.
“They may be enemies, but they both
reflect the hardline creed of their faiths,” Iryani said.
Comment by Geopolitical analysis and
Monitoring:
During missionary development in
countries of interest, Sunnis and Shi’ites never engage in battle against each
other. On the contrary, in Balkan countries such as BOSNIA Sunni and Shi’ites
even cooperate through NGO’s and other means in order to achieve their
objective, namely to increase their number of followers and recruitment of
youngsters with the potential of turning them into fanatic fundamentalists. The
problems start once the recruiting process and country development is concluded,
that is the time when the sectarian differences between them start to resurface.
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