GERMANY AND FRANCE

GERMAN AND FRENCH INTERESTS IN AFRICA

REPERCUSSIONS OF GERMANY’S INTERESTS IN AFRICA

GERMANY’S effort to making a show of military force in AFRICA are aimed not just at crisis resolution in conflict areas but also at promoting and marketing GERMAN weaponry. However, this effort is not independent from the FRENCH rivalry factor.

When GERMANY achieved reunification in the 1990s, it began trying to play a more active role in the international arena.GERMANY’S interest in AFRICA has grown in recent years, in line with the continent’s increasing geo-economic and geopolitical importance. GERMANY’S participation in the international peace force in AFGHANISTAN and the gradual GERMAN intervention in the crises in the Middle East and the Horn of AFRICA were signals of the transformation of GERMAN foreign policy. In the same way, it may be said that with the changes that came with the Arab Spring, GERMAN moves to assume a larger role in North AFRICA have gained speed. On this point, answers need to be found for some basic questions such as “what are the repercussions of GERMANY’S interest in AFRICA”, “how are the transformations in the Arab world affecting GERMANY’S policies in AFRICA?”, and “what impact will this interest have on relations with other countries such as FRANCE?”

Background Information:

GERMANY’S BOLD NEW COUNTERINSURGENCY IDEAS

http://geopoliticsrst.blogspot.com/2013/05/germany-moving-center-stage-in.html

DEUTSCHLANDS NEU DEFINIERTE GEOPOLITISCHE DOKTRINEN

http://geopoliticsrst.blogspot.com/2013/05/deutschlands-neue-geopolitische.html

THE GENERAL FRAMEWORK OF GERMAN - AFRICAN RELATIONS

After the breakup of the SOVIET UNION, on the grounds of EUROPEAN UNION integration, GERMANY based its AFRICA policy on those of the EU. “EUROPE’S Join Development Vision 2005” and “The EUROPE- AFRICA Strategy 2007” offer examples of this. Further GERMANY proceeded with its interest in AFRICA through international organizations by giving support, for example, to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and peace-keeping forces attached to the UN.

It also made a contribution to the special AFRICA programs of the G8 and G20 and expanded its AFRICA policy to take in issues like the crises and disputes there, the fight against illegal migration and human trafficking, climate change, economic development, and trade relations. On the other hand, it also tried to institutionalize its relations with the continent within a framework of political partnership and technical cooperation following a policy independent of its EUROPEAN partners.

On issues like the war on terror, supporting democratization, the strengthening of police forces, and issues like education, the judiciary, and the military, it joined the countries supporting AFRICAN countries at the bilateral level. At the multilateral relations level, it strove to develop relations with AFRICAN regional organizations, (e.g., the Economic Community of West AFRICAN States and the East AFRICAN Community.)

THE SECURITY AND STRATEGIC DIMENSION OF GERMANY’S PRESENCE IN AFRICA

The basic turning point in GERMANY’S AFRICA policy was the 11 September terror attacks. After this point GERMANY began to make itself felt in AFRICA as it had never before done. But it is noteworthy that this turning point began in the Horn of Africa. GERMANY signed a military agreement with Djibouti that gave German forces the right to make use of Djibouti’s harbors and airfields. The agreement allows over 1,200 German naval troops to do surveillance along the East coasts, showing a presence in a strategic region connecting the Mediterranean to AFRICA. The agreement is also important as it is the first security agreement which GERMANY has signed with an Arab or AFRICA State since the end of the Second World War.

At the same time, since 2004 GERMANY has begun to have a presence, through the support it gives to UN peace-keeping forces, in many countries with which it has created links in AFRICA, including LIBERIA, Ivory COAST, MOROCCO, the DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO, SUDAN, CHAD, the CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, and SOMALIA.  

Early in 2008 GERMANY took part in anti-piracy operations coordinated by NATO within the framework of Operation Atlanta  in the Gulf of Aden opposite the SOMALI coast. In 2013, when the crisis erupted in northern MALI, GERMANY played an important role, sending 330 soldiers to train the MALIAN security forces and give support to the FRENCH army.

GERMANY’S efforts at making a show of military force in AFRICA are aimed not just at crisis resolution in the areas of conflict but also at promoting and marketing GERMAN weaponry. The situation was made plain during Angela Merkel’s visit to AFRICA in 2011. GERMANY raised the issue of the need for ANGOLA to protect its shores and modernize its army following the rise in its oil revenues and propose selling warships. Along with this, it signed an agreement to deliver military frigates to ALGERIA following tension between ALGERIA and MOROCCO which pushed up the value of military supplies in North AFRICA.

THE ARAB SPRING AND THE ‘GERMAN SPRING’ IN NORTH AFRICA

It may be said that the Arab Spring provided GERMANY with major opportunities to strengthen its role in North AFRICA. But according to an article by GERMAN Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle published on 13 January 2012, there are three important risks which might threaten the Arab Spring countries: the first of these risks is the return of the deposed totalitarian regimes; the second is economic failure which could cause social tensions; the third is the possibility that extremist religious movements will grow and threaten democracy. In the face of these risks GERMANY has sent groups known as transformation teams to the region and appointed a special representative to the Arab world inside the GERMAN Foreign Ministry.

At the same time it is apparent that GERMANY has concentrated on TUNISIA and EGYPT and has signed agreements with both countries and is supporting them on matters like democracy, employment, and finance. It would be insufficient to interpret these initiatives simply in terms of the need GERMANY feels to support the Arab Spring countries. For they are at the same time also attempts to protect and expand GERMANY’S interests in North AFRICA. It may be said that the decision to halt the use of nuclear energy has been one of the factors that has determined GERMANY’S North AFRICA policy. At this moment GERMANY is trying, by means of a combination of solar and wind-powered plants in North AFRICA  and the Middle East, to make renewable energy meet 20% of EUROPE’S total energy needs by 2050.

FRANCO-GERMAN COMPETITION IN NORTH AFRICA

GERMAN foreign policy towards AFRICA is not independent from its rivalry with FRANCE. Since the signing of the treaty with Djibouti, Paris has grown more anxious in the face of the growing GERMAN influence in AFRICA. Indeed, Djibouti is one of the traditional cornerstones of FRENCH policy towards AFRICA and the INDIAN Ocean. When the rivalry between GERMANY and FRANCE began at the time of the events of the Arab Spring in LIBYA, GERMANY stood out by abstaining from the vote over UN Security Council Resolution 1973 about carrying out a military intervention. What’s more, at the time when it appeared likely that FRANCE would have a monopoly in the religion, GERMAN newspapers and former officials tried to assume an important role in the EUROPEAN Mission, called EUBAM (the European External Action Service), to protect LIBYA’S borders.

As for the political level, GERMANY has used its influence to prevent the political balance in the region from being upset, in particular after the killing of some opposition figures in TUNISIA. GERMAN and FRENCH policies appear to be in agreement over the development of TUNISIA’S political life. On the other hand, the Nahda Government in TUNISIA is conscious of this rivalry and has tried to bolster its own interests by opening a wider field to GERMAN investments and interests. Whereas up to the overthrow of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, TUNISIA was regarded as FRANCE’S main ally. 

Finally, GERMANY has also taken steps to curb the FRANCE’S influence outside the countries of the Arab Spring. The “Rabat Declaration” which GERMANY signed with MOROCCO to foster cooperation in various fields is one small instance of this.              

Source: Turkish Weekly

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